Tax
A (Partial) Defence Of Offshore Financial Centers From Their Critics

There are legitimate reasons to criticize tax havens but some of the attacks are unfounded and unfair.
Tax havens are rarely out of the news. Last week, the campaign
group, The Tax
Justice Network, which urges policymakers to close tax havens,
issued
its “Financial Secrecy Index”, with Switzerland in first place in
its
hall of shame, followed by the Cayman Islands, Luxembourg, Hong
Kong
and, perhaps bemusingly, the US in fifth place. (To view that
report,
click here).
The TJN argues, for example, that tax havens – which, depending
on
one’s viewpoint, are places providing a shelter for illicit money
or
shelter for unpopular groups against rapacious regimes – should
be
eradicated. For example, it argues that the tax information
exchange
agreements that have been signed by many jurisdictions under
OECD
principles are inadequate, because in many cases a country trying
to
catch alleged tax evaders has to have sufficient suspicion about
a
citizen stashing away money in another country to request
information.
Also, regimes can stymie requests for data. The TJN also argues
that
while people may have sometimes had a genuine excuse for using
such
havens decades ago, few excuses exist today. (This requires
the TJN to
ignore the very current issues such as kidnappings and extortion
of
wealthy families in places such as Latin America).
This lobby group argues that it is in the mainstream of
policy debate
and not biased against free enterprise and trade. I disagree with
the
TJN’s self-description, although it is undeniably to TJN's credit
that tax havens
have been put under pressure to explain their activities and
also, where
necessary, to remove abuses. While I think that some tax havens
would
go out of business if major countries adopted better, simpler and
less
oppressive tax codes, other jurisdictions will still perform a
valuable
service in a world of free capital and migration. A lot of what
these
financial centers do has nothing to do with tax but financial
security
and convenience.
Message the Tax Justice Network
Last week, I wrote an email to one of the moving spirits in the
TJN,
John Christensen. He has had years of experience as an advisor to
the
government of Jersey and today is a fierce critic of such places.
I have
amended the content of my original email to expand and clarify
key
points. I have not printed Christensen's response as it would
be
inappropriate for his remarks, sent in a private message to me,
to be
printed without his permission. However, if the TJN wishes to
respond in
public, this publication would be very happy to do so.
John,
First of all, the idea that tax havens undermine democracy is,
it
could be argued, based upon the idea that 51 per cent of voters,
for
example, are entitled to grab much, if not all, of the wealth of
the
unfortunate 49 per cent, and that therefore it is terrible that
some
people, such as the affluent/rich, can avoid some of this tax by
moving
their affairs offshore. This raises the serious point of
political
philosophy over to whether even democracies should have
unfettered
powers to confiscate citizens' wealth. (One is reminded of the
19th
century writer Alexis de Tocqueville’s remark about the “tyranny
of the
majority”). This is not just an extreme "libertarian" concern, in
my
opinion.
Some people dislike tax havens since they create a partial
barrier to
using tax to significantly redistribute wealth. It is an open
issue,
though, whether this is a bad thing in every case. Do we really
want a
situation where a government with a temporary majority can just
grab
money without restraint? We have checks and balances in modern
political
systems, and for good reason. The ability of people to move some
money
out of the taxman's reach might be regarded as such a "check".
Would the
TJN support the idea of banning people from emigrating abroad if
they
happened to be in a highly remunerated job?
Tax competition
It is true that some free marketeers laud tax havens and
low-tax
jurisdictions for acting as a bit of a brake on the potential for
a sort
of Group of 20 global tax cartel (the CATO Institute, based
in
Washington DC, makes this point). Tax competition is a "race to
the
bottom" in the sense that all competition is a "race to the
bottom" if
by "bottom" you mean lower taxes overall or lower prices for
goods and
services. In a world of free movement of capital, people and
firms will
want to locate in places where they keep rather more, than less,
of
their wealth than otherwise. It is hard to see why this is
necessarily
an evil or "distortion": it is economic liberty in action.
Different
countries will always, if they are sovereign, want to cut or
raise
taxes; does this mean that any country that cuts taxes below a
global
average is "distorting" trade? This presumes there is some sort
of ideal
"level playing field". Indeed, the argument that different tax
rates
“distort” trade could justify a global, one-tax-regime approach.
This is
not just unworkable but it is also a severe restraint on
national
sovereignty and liberty. For example, if we go to the smaller
scale
level, and imagine if, say, Bavaria in southern Germany is
“distorting”
interior German trade by having a lower tax than, say, Saxony. Is
Texas
“distorting” trade because it has no state income tax? Does
Nevada
"distort" trade for the same reason? Hardly.
Secrecy and privacy
I am not sure about the secrecy issue as being key here in
the
perpetuation of tax havens any longer, although Swiss secrecy
laws,
dating in their modern form to 1934, remain a key source of
controversy
and seem to be eroding since the UBS-US tax case of 2009. There
may be
other regimes that need to clarify the proper boundaries
between
unacceptable secrecy where criminal, questionably-sourced money
is held
out of reach, and legitimate privacy. The difference between what
is
secrecy (bad!) and privacy (good!) is not an easy one to judge.
But
critics should not dismiss the legitimate need for people to
protect
wealth from prying eyes; this is an important civil liberties
issue, no
different from privacy of health records, for example. I note
that the
TJN has generally scorned the argument that Swiss bank secrecy
laws
have, for example, shielded money of certain persecuted groups
from
attack. A certain level of cynicism on the TJN's part might be
justified, it is true. But
the truth is also complicated. Before ripping up bank secrecy, we
need
to be sure that legitimate protections are kept in place. As for
regimes
such as the Cayman Islands, I would have thought that if, say,
the US
was convinced person A had held illicit funds in the
jurisdiction, it
could freeze any accounts.
A final issue; I have never quite grasped how it can be claimed
that
offshore jurisdictions harm the world's poor, unless one adopts
the
zero-sum argument that wealthy persons are somehow robbing the
poor by
not paying more tax. If the wealthy acquired their wealth in a
free
market without force or fraud, this is clearly not the case. To
the
extent that this "tax havens rob the poor" argument has force, it
only
holds when people using tax havens are, say, crooks and dictators
hiding
ill-gotten gains, as in the suspected cases of Libya, Egypt, many
a
Middle East fiefdom, Russian oligarchs, etc. (Let's not forget,
by the
way, that many of the worst financial crimes of recent years,
such as
the Madoff Ponzi scandal, happened in onshore locations under the
noses
of big, supposedly all-powerful regulators).
Remember, the wealth that is put into these havens has to be
invested
in assets somewhere, such as into bonds and stocks, so it should
be
channelled into productive investments to earn a positive rate
of
return. The money does not simply vanish into a hole where it
is
not put to use and loses its value. What would be the point of
that?
I agree there have been many problems and concerns about tax
havens
in the past and that these places continue to need to improve in
terms
of openness and accountability. But I find some of the language
directed
against them to be extreme and frankly, unbalanced. I also cannot
help
but feel that some of the attacks on offshore tax jurisdictions
are part
of a wider counter-attack on global capitalism and free trade,
and as
such, those who launch such attacks should be more open about
their
ideological motivation.